This is another response to the opinion piece, "My Take on the Issue of Marginalization" by Emil Shaw contained in the August 4, 2009 edition of the Peoples' Weekly World.
For 25 odd years I've been an involved labor activist. This 25 years has included rank and file activism s well as near 20 years as a paid labor organizer and union representative. At core, my work with labor has always been grounded in a Marxist analysis and a sense that working in the working class movement represents a wider commitment to a more humane and just world.
For virtually all of my 25 years in the labor movement I've actively submerged my socialist and Marxist perspective on things. Over the years I've walked lots of miles and made a million phone calls for politicians and "coalitions" endorsed by the unions I've been involved in. I've been the soldier "carrying the water" for these organizations even though I have personally had deep doubts about the aims, intents and effectiveness of the projects and politicians I've walked for.
With all of the promises and hopes laid out there by the unions, politicians, coalitions for this and that, I've expected little and I've consistently received what I've expected. I have few illusions about many of the organizations I've served. I have never been asked about my perspective on the work I've done or campaigns I've been involved in. Within the broad labor movement I've never found or been invited to a wider discussion on the aims, goals and direction of this movement. All of my personal experience tells me that I have been serving institutions that are top-down and feudal rather than democratic and open in orientation.
If you ask me, the biggest problem we face now is the ideological and intellectual bankruptcy of the center-liberal coalition so many of us on the Left have served even as we submerge our own political perspectives and identities. Here I am talking about that broad alliance of unions, official civil rights, peace and environmental organizations, and the Democratic Party. This is that feudal, top-down alliance, and right now, this alliance has no answers and indeed seems to be drowning in its inability to rise above its own compromises.
I'm looking at it like this:
A year ago many of us were pretty excited and very active in the the 2008 election campaign, which incidentally was a campaign to elect a center-liberal President and Congress. A year ago the campaign was right on. The issues included coping with the worst recession/depression in the last 100 years, a visible end to the white mans' hegemony, a commitment to universal and accessible health care, and an end to frankly imperialist war adventures in the Middle East.
A year later, what do we have?
Dealing with the recession/depression has meant giving Wall Street continued free rein with no consequences with a secondary effort towards preserving an already woefully inadequate social safety net. Health care legislation has been negotiated away with the best ideas already vetoed by the insurance industry and hospital/health chains, and dropped by the politicians. War continues to escalate in Afganistan, Pakistan, and Iraq (even as Iraq winds down ?).
The end results are continuing growth in unemployment and poverty rates, further erosion of the public's health and well-being, escalating wars and further endorsement of the aims of U.S. imperialist policy, and a growing willingness on the part of government and media to ignore the problems and just declare that things really are better.
Meanwhile, where is this center-liberal coalition of a year ago?
The elected victors of the 2008 election are busy surrendering just about every aim put forward a year ago. There's lots here. The current health care sell out is just one example, not to mention the torture issue, immigration, molly-coddling Wall Street, constantly appeasing and appealing for "non-partisanship": you name it.
The unions are I don't know where. In the midsts of capitalist failure, rampant unemployment and falling living standards the unions are silent... Just plain silent; they have nothing to say. The European unions and Left might not have the answers, but at least they are able to say, "we're not paying for this disaster". Here, the best the unions can say is "how much?", ala' the roughly 50% concessions in big auto.
The Silver-Lining?
Emil Shaw, in his PWW opinion piece, would define the stakes of marginalization of the Left in terms of broad-active coalitions and the Left isolating itself by insisting on a pure socialism (?). The reality is that there are no "broad-active" coalitions out there... The center-liberal coalition of last autumn has shot its wad. Currently the center-liberal contingent stands by, watches, and decides whether to protest or not as each issue is surrendered away. At its most basic, this center-liberal coalition is afraid and/or unwilling to confront capital at any level. This is the current reality.
Believing that broad coalitions are a political necessity in U.S. politics, the silver lining might be this:
"Coalitions" are forming as we speak around the health care and need for public option. Acts of defiance by workers are beginning to happen (Philadelphia Museum, Bemis workers, HartMarx workers...). These "coalitions" are taking shape out of a necessity to maintain the aims and issues of the 2008 election in spite of its 2008 proponents abandoning the cause.
Recent grass roots activity around single payer and public option health care points to a possibly new phenomena... A new "left-front" to the left of the Democrats and Obama. This new "left front" (my term entirely) is highly skeptical of corporate hegemoney and free-market religion. It's too early to tell, but maybe its not so much about marginalizing ourselves. Maybe it has more to do with which "coalitions"?
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3 comments:
This post responds to mine at http://willamettereds.blogspot.com/2009/08/answering-argument-from-left.html and to the Shaw piece.
I'm much more optimistic and determined. Obama and the coalition that elected him can't flick a switch and bring change--and especially not in a country with so many people buying into rightwing generated fear. And every day there is something that I can compare to the Bush or Reagen years and see that we're a bit ahead and that times I have changed. I don't think that racist America could elect a Black president and there not be tremendous change.
And: look at some of the coalitions like the antiwar movement. Mobilization is gearing up for demos in the fall. Jobs with Justice succeeds nationwide--and people in UE succeed in an occupation--because of the strength of coalitions in this period. We may win or lose on healthcare, but our ability to keep the conversation going this long, and even to create a public option which splits the right and forces the Dems to declare themselves, is because of coalition work. And I think that more good things will come if we keep our eyes on the prize and hold on.
One of the main points in my post was that criticizing an unnamed (and perhaps non-existent) ultra-left doesn't help us build or maintain coalitions. Not only that, but it's the fundamentals of Marxism that need to be grasped in order to learn how to do coalition work successfully.
I worry that any kind of defeatism now or any kind of unprincipled split or any deviation or revision from Marxism puts coalitions at risk. And I worry that a prematurely critical view of Obama is as bad as a prematurely uncritical view: the first alienates the core forces who can make change and the second rests (for the left) on social democracy, revisionism and a lack of critical (dialectical) thinking.
If you think that the coalition that elected Obama is nowhere you have to explain in dialectical terms how that came to be--how a liberatory movement either became its opposite or died in 9 months. I don't think the evidence is there yet.
More to the point of my original post: people who are uncritical of Obama, who criticize some "ultra-left" somewhere and want to appeal to the center have the same dialectical burden of proving how moving to the center raises the contradictions inherent in capitalism now and builds a new moment or absolute. I don't think that that can be done either.
Yaay Chuck. I agree with you. Particularly the failure of the Union Movement..SEIU in particular. Check out the Nation's front page article "Divorce, Union Style". This is where the energy goes while opposing any advocacy of single payer health care..and tepid public option support.
i was told a long time ago that our government's social policy may change depending on the party in power, but that the economics and foreign policy remained for the most part the same. i didn't agree then, but i find myself agreeing more as time goes on.
i know it's early in this presidency, but "the left" won congress in 2006 and we saw the same concessions out of those people to the Bush Administration. now, with bigger majorities and a Democrat in the White House the center-right is still in control of the major issues. with a Democratic congress already in place, legislation should have been ready to be spring-boarded in 2009 with the President ready, pen in hand. or how about an executive order here and there?
the right despises us whether we make concessions or not, so we might as well stand on principle. but i agree with the post, in that principle is long gone on the economy and the war.
The economy and the war, Bernanke and Gates, right-wing hold-overs. The rest of the cabinet is full of center-right Clinton veterans with an occasional lefty thrown in.
i think that big money and global empire have more meetings behind the scenes than we care to know about. maybe i'm wrong.
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