By Phyllis Bennis
ZNet
June 28, 2012
http://www.zcommunications.org/syria-no-to-intervention-no-to-illusions-by-phyllis-bennis
Fifteen months on, the short Syrian spring of 2011 has long
since morphed into a harsh winter of discontent. Syria is
close to full-scale civil war. If the conflict escalates
further, it will have ramifications far outside the country
itself. As former UN Secretary-General and current envoy of
both the UN and the Arab League Kofi Annan put it, "'Syria is
not Libya, it will not implode, it will explode beyond its
borders. Syria is not Libya, it will not implode; it will
explode beyond its borders."
Like so many other times before, the human cost of this
conflict is incalculably high. It's not surprising that the
normal human reaction is "we've got to do something!" But
exactly what any army or air force might do that would
actually help the situation isn't very clear. U.S./NATO military intervention didn't bring stability, democracy or
security to Libya, and it certainly is not going to do so in
Syria.
The one crucial outside approach that could help resolve at
least the immediate conflict - serious negotiations in which
both sides are represented - for the moment remains out of
reach. Former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, the joint UN
and Arab League envoy in Syria, has proposed at a new
diplomatic initiative that would include the Syrian regime's
supporters, Iran and Russia, as well as the U.S.-allied
western countries and those Arab and regional governments
backing the armed opposition. So far the U.S. has rejected the
proposal, at least regarding Iran, with Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton saying that Tehran is part of the problem in
Syria and thus can't be part of the solution. The current UN
secretary-general, Ban ki-moon, who frequently reflects
Washington's interests, further undercut the potential of his
own envoy's proposal, saying that Assad has "lost all
legitimacy" - diplomatic code for "we don't have to talk to
him."
For those eager for analogies or counterparts, this isn't
Egypt or Libya, where opposition to the leader was
overwhelming. Despite his government's history of brutal
repression, Bashar al-Assad still enjoys significant support
from parts of Syria's business elites, especially in Damascus
and Aleppo, and some in minority communities (Christian,
Shi'a, parts of the Druse and even some Kurds) whom the regime
had cultivated for many years. The opposition was divided from
the beginning over whether massive reform or the end of the
Assad regime was their goal. It divided still further when
part of the opposition took up arms, and began to call for
international military intervention. The non- violent
opposition movement, which still rejects calls for military
intervention, survives, but under extraordinary threat.
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